Theory of planned behavior

The theory of planned behavior states that there are three components that precede behavior intention. These components are attitudes, societal norms and perceived degree of control. In exploring the human macaque conflict, we could possibly infer the environmental attitudes of different groups of people. These environmental attitudes will then be a reflection of the values people hold.

Research exploring the human-macaque conflict has found that the level of tourism development in temple sites in Bali reflected different kinds of human-macaque interaction (Small, 1998). For example, Small (1998) found that in tourist hotspot Sangeh Monkey Forest, the macaques regularly steal items from tourists. Human-macaque interaction there is particularly strained. These bad habits can be attributed to human involvement. Particularly, macaques were given peanuts by shady Polaroid camera guides whenever they snatched something. Hence, the macaques have learned to associate stealing items from tourists with food rewards.

The Polaroid camera guides will also walk beside tourists, and provide questionable information on macaques. Then, they will place bits of food on a tourist’s shoulder. Macaques will jump onto the tourist to grab the food, and the Polaroid camera guides take pictures. They then demand money.  This shady enterprise is probably the reason why macaques have learned to jump on people in Sangeh. On top of that, Sangeh actively encourages feeding of macaques. There are hawker stalls that sell food for macaques located all over Sangeh.

Unlike Sangeh, Uluwatu is not a tourist hotspot. Hence, in Uluwatu, Small (1998) found that there are fewer instances of food luring macaques. More importantly, Uluwatu does not have any food hawkers and shady Polaroid camera guides. Compared to Sangeh, the situation at Uluwatu is much more under control.

Finally, Alas Kedaton is a temple that involves Kukuh village in its tourism efforts. Kukuh village takes an active interest in tourism issues and macaques. In Alas Kedaton, Small (1998) found that appointed guides accompany each group of tourists into the forest. The guides promote feeding of potatoes to the macaques. It is rationalized that potatoes are healthy for the macaques. The guides will tell the tourists to bend down and feed the macaques one potato a time.  Hence, unlike in Sangeh, the macaques in Alas Kedaton do not learn to jump onto tourists for food.

In the three different tourism sites, we can clearly see how different value orientations can lead to different attitudes and hence different behaviors done with regards to human-macaque interaction. Perhaps the egocentric value orientation of the Polaroid camera guides in Sangeh leads them to an exploitative attitude towards macaques, which further leads to exploitative behaviors. In comparison, the ecocentric value orientation of the Kukuh villagers in Alas Kedaton results in active interest in macaque as well as human issues, which results in ecologically harmonious behavior.

However, it is important to note that behavior intention does not always lead to behavior action. Especially when there are barriers to behavior. Furthermore, there are two other components besides attitude which precede behavior intention. Perhaps the Polaroid camera guides in Sangeh exploit the macaques because it is the norm. Or, the Polaroid camera guides may perceive a lack of control in their behavior, and that they have no other choice other than to exploit macaques for a living.